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Bullshit is what this stinks of…perfect..bullshit..

Oliver Stone tackles the drugs war in America's backyard

With his latest film Savages, the acclaimed US director turns his vision to the murderous narcotics-fuelled conflict in Mexico
John Travolta, who plays Dennis the DEA agent, with Taylor Kitsch (Chon) and director Oliver Stone on the set of Savages. Photograph: Moviestore/Rex Features

A man steps across the floor of what seems to be a basement or dungeon, on a film shot by a wobbly, handheld camera. Blood, sticky underfoot, runs beneath his boots – and the camera catches what seems to be a severed head. The scene is being played on a computer screen, watched by an intense young man, transfixed. A beautiful girl looks also, over his shoulder. "Is that Iraq?", she asks, squirming at the degenerate and apparently gratuitous cruelty. "Mexico," replies the man with a grunt, clearly terrified himself. Welcome to the latest film by Hollywood's – even America's – heretic-in-chief, Oliver Stone. Unsurprisingly, this brief exchange is charged with greater meaning than it appears at first sight, and the film's director has come to elaborate.

The physical presence of Oliver Stone is not unlike that of his impact on cinema over the last four decades. He is immediately contrapuntal: tanned leathery skin, khaki waistcoat and black boots in the seamless, breezy tranquillity of a grandiose hotel in Berlin, answering waiters' questions in polite German with a growl, complimenting the pretty-prim waitress on her looks with a gravelly chuckle. And when he gets down to the business of explaining his new film – sleeves rolled up, hair like that of an old rocker (which he is) – there is no polite prologue to the heresy. "Yeah, this is one of America's wild wars that never ends and ain't going anywhere: the war on drugs." After all, this is the man who has – famously or infamously, depending on who you are – subverted and scorned every norm, rhyme and reason on which the narrative of the US political establishment (and America's strut in the world) is premised, his canon thereby so much greater than the sum of its parts.

Platoon and Born on the Fourth of July were pivotal contributions to America's attempt at reckoning with its own self-generated catastrophe in Vietnam; JFKNixon and W. retold and revolutionised received wisdom on the death of one president and the lives of two others. World Trade Center rescued the human story of 9/11 from that manipulated by Washington for its own reasons.

Perhaps most cogently of all, with hindsight, Salvador, from 1986, was among very few films or mainstream expressions of any kind which looked at the dirty war that ravaged the Americas during the 1980s through a Latin American lens, repositioning President Reagan's role as more that of jackboot than sponsor of the freedom he claimed to be spreading, through alliances with dictators and death squads. And more recently, South of the Border stood and stands as the only attempt of its kind to document a new dynamic across the hemisphere, and the rise of newly confident leftwing leaders in the Latin Americas, unbowed by the colossus, the US. Stone's latest, Savages, is to be seen in that vein – only the story concerns the country that is a mere 20 minutes walk from Texas across the Rio Grande, and just south of the border from the golden beaches of San Diego. It addresses the first war of the 21st century (which gives us a glimpse of what the rest of it may well look like), the narco cartel war in Mexico.

Of course Stone is drawn to this: Mexico's war – if that is what it is – has claimed 50,000 lives, and has done so with striking and baffling cruelty. "A lot of these people have died slowly," says Stone, approaching his theme. "I didn't want to show people being dissolved in acid, and there are plenty of other things we could have shown but didn't, or had to cut."

Indeed there are: in his hypothetical but meticulously researched film Stone does not detail the sewing of a flayed face to a soccer ball, or the decapitated bodies left dangling from bridges, mutilated corpses strewn along highways or filling mass graves. Strangely, though, the US media seems as keen to avoid mention of the daily litany of death across its underbelly as it is to cover it; even less does the American establishment want to understand why all this is happening, and consider the possibility that there may be deep-rooted economic causes of at least aspects of Mexico's agony for which the US bears some responsibility, quite apart from its insatiable need to consume drugs and welcome the profits they generate through its banks.

Savages – trailer

High time for a major film about all this, in an America which, as Stone says, "doesn't give a shit" – even though the violence is next door and spilling over the US government's fence through the desert, in defiance of Washington's militarisation of the sieve-like border. America wants there to be a wall along the 2,000 miles it shares with Mexico, like the one that once ran beneath the window at which Stone sits in Berlin. But that is not going to happen when the border is also the busiest commercial frontier in the world, crossed by a million people every day.

At first sight, Stone may seem to have flinched from making this badly needed film. Savages is not for the most part set in Mexico, not is it overtly about Mexico, as it might have been. It is an adaptation of a novel by the great American writer on the border and drug war, Don Winslow, about two men: Chon, a traumatised veteran of Afghanistan and Iraq, and Ben, a karmic botanist par excellence. Their combined experience and knowledge enables them to grow marijuana of unrivalled potency and quality. It also helps them secure the devotion of lovely blonde O, whom they share as a narcotic-erotic ménage à trois.

Stone's generic Baja cartel, led by a matriarch called Elena, is set on acquiring the seed if not its growers, and kidnaps O in pursuit of this aim. The boys react heroically, and set out to rescue their woman. In the background is an aspirant deus ex machina, Dennis, a corrupt agent for the Drug Enforcement Administration, who works alongside not only Don and Chon, but also the cartel's vicious enforcer on the US side, Lado.

There is detail in the film which Stone is the first – and only one, north of the border – to grasp, and the detail is important in reading not only this narco war, but also what it means to modern capitalist society. First is the perverse innovation in the cruelty, for its own sake and its recreational aspect. Stone treats us to the execution of a suspected snitch, hung by his wrists and whipped until he confesses (even though he is innocent), after which he is incinerated alive with a tyre around his arms and torso, running in wild circles to his death. During the scene, there's a moment of mastery: the soundtrack, the cackling laughter of those watching. It takes Stone to work that out. Yes, in Mexico's war, this is fun. "It's getting crueller out there," muses Stone. "It's gone up a level."

Another insight is the cartels' mastery of the internet and along with it their satanic sense of humour. The tit-for-tat over kidnapped O is conducted largely through cyberspace, and at one point the cartel sends our heroic duo an animated cartoon of the decapitation of their girl. And there is this about the real-life cartels: unlike the Bosnian Serbs or even al-Qaida, they do not need to speak to us, to the media or politicians, except on their terms. They control their message, they do so through their own mantas or banners, sick but funny notes pinned to the more illustrious victims' mutilated corpses, but above all through the internet – and in doing so they laugh at us. They have no cause to proselytise, nor is there any retort to them – that is their sick genius, and that is why they laugh. "Yeah – that humour thing," says Stone. "It's something else. It takes someone who knows what's going on to understand it, the humour and the cruelty. I was scared of it, but I wanted to make sure I could keep time with what is going on."

One of Stone's hallmarks, in films such as JFK and W., is that he make you suspend disbelief so thoroughly that you can be forgiven for thinking you're observing the real thing, not a dramatisation. In Savages Stone has mercilessly captured the horrific details of Mexico's war and it is tempting to ask why he opted for an action movie with rather annoyingly gym-cut Colgate Californians and a Barbie-blonde stoner as its central characters, instead of something that gets us inside Mexico. Inside, if not the Tijuana cartel, which is now, as Stone himself admits, "dealing with small pocket change", then a film about those others who are redefining what a narco cartel – indeed, criminality – is in the new world and global economy. The paramilitary Zetas, for example, are an entirely new breed of syndicate, utterly ruthless, apparently unstoppable. It seems a shame that even a film by America's most irreverent director (who has looked at the US through a rare Latin American eyepiece) must be centred on the United States. One would like Stone's take on the world's most wanted criminal, Joaquín "Chapo" Guzmán, fugitive leader of the Sinaloa cartel, or his nemesis, who has overtaken even him for savagery, Osiel Cárdenas Guillén, founder of Los Zetas.

But actually I am missing the point completely, thinking this way. Stone has a terrifying and convincing thesis as to why the film has to be set in America, with American characters: "The point," he says, "is that wars come home, they come home to roost. And there are connections: one of the two main guys has come home from Afghanistan and Iraq, and he's brought all that with him, what I think are new levels of cruelty and combat technology we have out there."

He drives his theme: "Of course, humankind has always been cruel – the Third Reich and so on. But I think there are new levels of cruelty, new technologies now, a new ball game. Maybe I'm wrong, but the cruelty level in the world just went up in these recent wars. We get a lot of information about what's happening in Iraq, the Middle East and Afghanistan, which comes back to America with this guy. And who knows how this may influence what's happening in Mexico – I think it probably does."

It's a shocking but cogent point about the nature of the violence, and its arrival into our public domain. Stone cut his teeth in Vietnam, where images of violence (the famous girl on the bridge burned by napalm; and scenes from Stone's own films and past as a veteran) were supposed to shock us – and did. Now, in reality, all that has volte-faced: the Zetas relay their own atrocities on the web as recruiting posters, and in Stone's film, to parley with their proposed business partners. It has been posited before that the Zetas got their ideas for torture and execution videos from al-Qaida, who in turn respond to souvenir photos taken by American troops of their own abuses in Abu Ghraib. Stone, typically, hurls us to the logical, heretical, conclusion.

"This Middle East thing brought it to another level. The barbarism came back in a big way, and it was Bush who started that. It all began with Afghanistan and Iraq. The guy in the movie brings it home; and the cartel brings it home."

There are cinematic considerations too: "It's based on Winslow," says Stone, "and we've made it into a thriller. No, I don't think the cartels would work that way with independent marijuana growers in California. No, there aren't any IEDs going off in the Californian desert – but," and he grins with inimitably Stoneian mischief, "I like the idea!"

Another subtlety is Stone's depiction of the fall of Elena, the matriarch. This occurs as the result of a mutiny by Lado, who has switched sides to a rival, El Azul, and because she comes to California to visit her daughter. Her collapse – and with it, by implication, that of her cartel – could signify the arrival of a greater power, a new cartel led by El Azul. This has happened in real life: Guzmán has defeated the Tijuana cartel, which was led by one of the first female capos, Enedina Arellano Félix. It could be because "it's tough taking orders from a woman", observes Stone of Lado. But it could also be seen as Elena's weakness of character, or at least her old-fashioned view of what a cartel's code should be. As Stone puts it: "She's a good traditional woman. She's proud of the fact that her daughter is ashamed of her. And her fall is the fall of the don. Elena was weak because she had a thing for her daughter and wanted to rescue her." This is exactly it: the mutation of Mexico's cartels from the don of old, with his (or her) attachment to family and codes of honour, however criminal or perverse they were, and the transfer of power to those whose only code is raw ruthlessness – like Guzmán or, to an even greater degree, the Zetas.

In Savages, the DEA agent Dennis is corrupt and credible. He protects Chon and Ben for money, takes a bribe to deliver them Elena's daughter, and gets to strut and moralise at a press conference when Elena is finally felled – having himself switched allegiances to El Azul along with his contact, Lado. The role is in part shaped by a former DEA agent Stone hired called Eddie, who had "30 years experience. He was in the Middle East and he knew the scene in Mexico. I got into the DEA that way – Eddie took care of us; and getting that kind of insight into the DEA is a big deal."

Lado is a credible character who "wants to be an American", says Stone. "He takes his kids to little league, his wife worries that he's out last thing at night with his 'gardening business' – his cover, and of course he has other women. He comes in one night, and she can smell a woman on him and he takes her apart, he rapes her – but we had to let that scene go."

Lado "also has eight or nine chihuahuas at his feet", observes Stone, and it is a detail to relish though the scene was cut: "I've been to a couple of these drug lords' places", he says, "and it's like ocelots to them. They've got all these hairless chihuahuas, proud of the fact that 'they cost me a fucking fortune'."

Stone's conclusion focuses less on the economic backdrop in Mexico than the failure of the war on drugs. Stone of course takes this further, entwining his themes. First: "That border is going all day and all night long. And it's 2,000 miles long. There's no way they're going to stop this. Dammit – they tried to build a wall across Berlin!" He gestures out of the window towards Starbucks, where no-man's land used to be: "Walls don't work, period." And second: "I don't see anything coming out of this so far as the war on drugs is concerned. It's been 40 years now, and its just become a method by which more money can be generated to fight what they now call narco-terror." And here's the crux, the entwinement again: "Drugs and terror, they couple them together, and the drug war becomes part of the war on terror that never ends. Part of the total terror that is overcoming our lives."

Apart from connections to the Middle East already made, it is impossible to continue in this vein without invoking South of the Border – indeed it is impossible to discuss any Stone film in isolation from the others.

South of the Border is a documentary series of interviews with those who are bringing Latin America to a new critical mass, a shift in power vis-a-vis the United States. All of them are elected, leftwing presidents of countries that have been, as Stone puts it, "in Uncle Sam's backyard", but which now brandish a new self-confidence, after decades of American puppet regimes: Néstor and Cristina Kirchner of Argentina, Luiz Inácio da Silva of Brazil, Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Evo Morales of Bolivia, Panama's Fernando Lugo and, famously, Hugo Chávez of Venezuela.

In January 2008, Stone's audacious recent history on the theme ofSouth of the Border began in this newspaper, with an interview he gavethe Observer in Bogotá in which Stone refused to condemn the Farc guerrillas, with whom he was trying to negotiate the release of three hostages. With him were Néstor Kirchner and Hugo Chávez. "I remember it well!" he half-laughs now. "I was on a mission. I wanted to stay low key. Néstor was there, and Hugo, and the American Red Cross, flying into this shithole of a town. Anyway, the Red Cross helicopter arrives, and, well, it was called off. The Farc people are always wary of the CIA, and I think the Americans just couldn't have Hugo involved in anything that would be a success – the hostages were released shortly afterwards, after Hugo had gone."

He reflects now on the wider theme: "The numbers don't lie. These are countries which have seen growth and real improvements after being failed by neo-liberal economics. The US took the side of the bad guys constantly – the media covering up so many of the abuses, in Argentina, Chile … But now, for the first time, these countries have thrown off the stranglehold of the International Monetary Fund and US treasury, which made loans the terms of which were those of what they call the 'neo-liberal Washington consensus' – [to] not only pay back the loans, but conform their economies to the privatisation of the kind we have here: hospitals, military, prisons. Well, in South America, privatisation did not work, it had disastrous consequences.

"And what they essentially did in the last 10 years was to throw off that tyranny. Their people have suffered so much, and they voted in new leaders. But even after they were elected, these people were resented by the US. I've never read one positive word about anything these people have done in the US media – let's face it, the Americans don't accept the idea of the election of leftwing leaders in their own backyard."

Accordingly: "Each one of these leaders has been picked off, one by one, by the United States … Disunite them, break them off from each other. But they've stood firm, and I think this is an important moment. They've done good for their countries, and I hope they last."

There is a connection between Savages and another Stone film, in fact two of them: Wall Street and its recent sequel, Wall Street: Money Never Sleeps. Chon and Ben have a money-launderer, a finance geek who has left the big bank for whom he worked. In real life, however, we now know that this would be no freelancer; this would be the man from the bank itself, in suit and tie, protected all the way to the top. The scandal and outrage of major high street banks laundering Mexican drug cartel money has made headlines recently: American Wachovia and British HSBC were the first to be named and shamed – with more on the way – but the typical fines in such cases fall well short of proper punishment.

The banks' direct connections to the cartels' bloody war and the misery of drugs inevitably causes Stone to reflect on his two films about what was once his father's business, in those distant days when, he says "a bank was something that you saved with, and gave you a loan". He says of the money-laundering: "You kind of get a sense of where the real power lies. Gekko [his character in Wall Street] was an 1980s creature. But by 2008-9, the banks had changed. What Gekko was doing in the 1980s, everyone was doing – rigging things, fixing things – the outsider Gekko had become the system. Look at them! Making money with the money they took from the public, and gambling with it! You have these huge settlements, with AIG underwriting Goldman Sachs – and it's all over New York, that level of confidence, that level of arrogance and impunity. You go to the Hamptons, and you feel it." And there is an inevitable connection between this financial elite and the corporatisation of government.

"The United States," he says, "has been a corporate-controlled country increasingly since world war two. The concept of a national security state plays into that concept of us as a mega-corporation. I view the Pentagon as essentially a huge corporation. The United States has moved into corporate gridlock, and the gridlock controls us – the power of the lobbyists, banks, oil companies, pharmaceuticals … After Reagan triumphed in 1980, we had this embrace of the free market. But it's not a free market really, it's fixed. Because monopolies tend to dominate it, they come to the fore and push everybody out of the way. So it's a rigged playing field, like we saw in 2008 – the banks getting bigger and bigger.

"And you know the weird thing?" he asks, as if to the street below, those around the Brandenburg Gate. "Everyone wants to buy into that shit! The people take their cue from whoever has the power and the money! Go into the Four Seasons in New York, and power is the hero! No one wanted to talk about the poor Vietnamese when this all started, or the poor people in Latin America – no, we embrace power!"

He goes on: "I don't think Americans give a shit about out there. They don't understand why in the Middle East everyone hates America. They don't understand the 'backyard'. JFK did, and so did Henry Wallace when he was vice-president. They both tried to turn it round – and what happened? As soon as JFK was assassinated, Lyndon Johnson said he'd crank it up in Vietnam. In Latin America it was: 'Enough of this Alliance for Progress' shit, what about the $9bn we've got invested down there?'"

Which brings Stone to another subject he wants to talk about; for it never rains, it only pours with this tempest of a man. As Savages premieres, get ready – at the end of this month – for the publication of his book and thereafter the 10-part television series (to be shown in Britain next year) on which it is based, The Untold History of the United States. Working with the American University historian Peter Kuznick, Stone has compiled a series which, he says "is inspired by your British series The World at War – pure narrative, no talking heads and actors to portray some of the players. Ten one-hour programmes; everything's been fact-checked and now CBS has a copy. It's an unorthodox, true global story about America. About how Truman did not have to drop the atomic bomb that all the kids get taught was dropped to save lives and stop the war. That isn't why it happened, it was so that the world would become a huge amphitheatre for America. It's about the true origins of the cold war, which we all think was started by the Russians when they invaded eastern Europe (he gestures towards the window again, sun glinting off an S-Bahn train trundling through the glorious iron-and-glass station at Friedrichstrasse – not long ago, the overground platforms were in East Berlin; the underground ones were an interchange for the West Berlin U-Bahn system).

"It's about Truman after the war, a small man, a cold warrior and a political hack. After the war, we tried to demobilise, but it didn't last long. They created this legacy of rightwingers who pulled at this alarm that we were falling behind the Russians. But the Russians never achieved anything like parity – maybe at the end of the 1970s, but it broke them."

This is not history for history's sake, however – this is the history of our present and future, long beyond cold war, into war on terror, war on drugs: "It's the history," says Stone, "of our building the national security state, which is interested in nobody's security apart from that of the state. Always supposedly falling behind the enemy, so there would be no end to it. It's a legacy thing," he pleads, almost. "The American history our kids are reading is all upside down. Everything is the opposite to what you think." With Stone, a conversation can only return to the beginning – in the best sense – "because it is all interconnected", as are his films. But there is not time – though he does afford himself a valedictory thought that sends a shiver down the spine.

"This terror that we're supposed to be so terrified of … What the fuck is it? Why should we all be so scared? Well, there's big money in it, for sure. So now we have every form of technology at the disposal of the government and its war on terror – but who are we supposed to be terrified of? Why must we be so terrified?" For want of any further answers to his terrifying rhetorical question about being terrified of terror, Stone affords himself a joke, for like all good heretics, he is a jester too, at the court of America: "Jeezus!" He swallows a small bowl of salad dressing, neat, and rises from his chair. "The idea that the government is doing all this to protect me from marijuana!?"

Savages was released on 21 September. Amexica: War Along the Borderline

Greg Palast on How the GOP Is Planning to Steal the 2012 Election

Greg Palast at the Denver Green Festival 2009. (Photo: dgrinbergs)Greg Palast is back with a timely new book, "Billionaires & Ballot Bandits: How to Steal an Election in 9 Easy Steps." In the book, which is illustrated by Ted Rall and with an introduction by Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Palast warns of more than a decade of Republican elections theft - and explains how they do it. Make a minimum donation to support Truthout and receive a copy of the book - and you'll also get Palast's "Why We Occupy" DVD free, which includes a Palast talk, a rant by Lee Camp, and a variety of other video segments. 
Mark Karlin: The Republicans don't just aim to steal elections in one way. They have a variety of methods to mug democracy. Can you explain a few of them?
Greg Palast: Karl Rove - "Turdblossom" as Bush called him - has a computer-data-mining system called DataTrust, which he's joining up with a data-mining computer system set up the Koch brothers called Themis. These are voter-eating machines, designed to juice the attack on voter rolls by GOP secretaries of state. Ready for this? Over 22 million names were purged from voter rolls in the last two years. Those figures are from the US Election Assistance Commission - hidden in plain sight. And who gets purged?
Black voters, Latinos, Native Americans. In Colorado, the Republican secretary of state purged 19.4 percent of voters - that's one in five! In the book, she's the Purge'n General. Obama took Colorado in '08. He can kiss it goodbye.
My co-investigator and I, Bobby Kennedy, called the secretary of state of California, a Dem, who told us her GOP predecessor blocked 42 percent of new voter registrations because they had "suspicious" names - like Mohammed. For this reason, despite massive voter drives and the increase in Latino citizenship, Hispanic registration hasdropped by 1 million since 2008. Caramba!
In all, 5,901,814 legitimate votes and voters were tossed out of the count in 2008. In '12 it will be worse. Way worse.
Mark Karlin: Why do you think there isn't more public outrage about the GOP attempting to crush democracy?
Greg Palast: Because Democrats are in on it, too, and that's the sick, sad truth. In New Mexico, a solid Democratic state where Latinos are half the citizenry, Bush carried the state and the GOP has the governor's mansion. Why?
Because the Hispanic Democratic elite of that state don't want no poor folk voting - or jackasses like Bill Richardson would never win a primary. When I called the secretary of state, Becky Vigil-Giron, to ask why, in one poor Hispanic precinct, there was not a single vote for president recorded, she told me that, "Those people can't make up their minds."
"Those people." I'm glad to say she's on her way to prison. But she's a Democrat.
So, Republicans and Democrats steal votes from the same people: the poor and voters of color.
But on a strict numerical scale, 90 percent of the victims are Democrats, though they are victimized by both parties.
Mark Karlin: I've known you since you single-handedly exposed the caging strategy of Jeb Bush, Katherine Harris and a company then called ChoicePoint. Without that voter suppression in 2000, Gore would have won the popular vote in Florida as he did nationally. Yet, the mass media ignored your findings of a stolen election. Has anything changed? The mass corporate media still seems uninterested, or clueless - or both - when it comes to ratcheting down voting rights.
Greg Palast: Yeah, it's changed. For the worse.
In the book, I've got a chapter, "De-Pressed," on how the US mainstream media simply refuses to cover the story or does so in a dumbass "he-said/she-said" way.
Example: NPR, what I call National Petroleum Radio, said of the Florida purge of over a quarter million citizens from voter rolls: "State elections officials began an investigation that appears to give that argument some credence." So NPR has concluded there's "credence" in the purge. That would mean that NPR found some illegal voters. After all, there's a list of a quarter million. They didn't find any - but they effectively endorse the idea because the Republicans said so. That's not reporting; that's repeating.
My team actually went through the lists. We found, for example, that a "Bobbi Moore" (black female) was removed as a felon because of a conviction of a "Robert Moore" (white male). It wasn't a random mistake - every name was a phony.
And NPR is the best in America. At least they put the story on air - even if they didn't get one fact right.
I report these stories on the top of the nightly news on BBC TV, so it goes out worldwide - except in the USA. Here I report on Truthout (bless you), which has the no-poop facts.
There's also this: No one inside the Great American Circus Tent likes to believe they're being fooled. America likes to think of itself as a democracy. No one really wants to know their ballot has gotten hijacked, boosted, deep-sixed, caged, purged, stuck inside a robot's pocket, fiddled, filched, flimmed or flammed.
Mark Karlin: Of course, this is the first presidential election since the infamous Citizens United decision. That's like a fat cat license to buy the election, isn't it? They won't need to steal the vote if they can create an alternative reality with all that money going toward ads and other propaganda. They can just brainwash the vote.
Greg Palast: Yes, they're buying your brain, not just your ballot. But who are these guys, and why do they need a president? The point of the book is to tell you about the billion-dollar donor babies: Ice Man Simmons, Singer the Vulture, Snake Paulson - I didn't give them these nicknames, their bankers did. You should know what they have in mind for you. And I've got stuff on the Kochs you've never heard - from my files from years back when, alongside the FBI, I was investigating "Target 67C" - Charles Koch, for felony theft. No kidding. The indictment's in the book - and why Koch was never cuffed and jailed.
Mark Karlin: Isn't it amazing that since 2000, Karl Rove has played a key role in GOP election theft strategies - and is still going strong in 2012?
Greg Palast: Turdblossom has over a quarter billion dollars in his "social service charity," Crossroads. Over $20 million from Ice Man. Unlike McCain, who wouldn't touch Rove because of Turdblossom's racist operations, the Republican National Committee has actually contracted with Rove to use his Jim Crow machine, DataTrust. Rove is straight-up, at least: I quote his line that the GOP can win swing states like North Carolina by "reducing black turnout by one-quarter of one." He knows how to do it: he invented voter caging. RFK says for that, he "should be in jail." But Bobby gets all upset about people committing felony violations of the Voting Rights Act. Runs in his family.
Mark Karlin: You state that in the 2008 presidential election, 2,706,275 votes were cast and never counted. How did that happen?
Greg Palast: Here's the facts, my friend, calculated from the raw data of the US Election Assistance Commission:
No less than
  • 767,023 provisional ballots were cast and not counted;
  • 1,451,116 ballots were "spoiled," not counted;
  •  488,136 absentee ballots were mailed in, but not counted.
How? Well, I could write a book. And I did: "Billionaires & Ballot Bandits."
Mark Karlin: In the chapter "The Hysteria Factor," you quote the former chairperson of the US Commission on Civil Rights, Mary Frances Berry, as telling you: "Elections aren't stolen in the vote count - they're stolen in the no count." Isn't that the essence of what the Republican Party is trying to do?
Greg Palast: Yep, that's the Rove-arian cancer on our body politic. There are no swing voters left. If you can't tell the difference between the candidates, you probably can't work a doorknob to get out to vote anyway.
The trick is this: Take 1.45 million ballots "spoiled" (cast and not counted for technical reasons, mostly errors in machine readers). The chance your vote will spoil if you're black is seven times the likelihood your ballot will be ruined by a machine if you're white. Whose vote is that? Who gave black people the crap voting machines? The same ones that gave them the crap schools. And Rove knows how to keep it that way.
Mark Karlin: Yet, watchdogs such as Mark Crispin Miller, Brad Friedman and many others do contend that the electronic voting machines do allow for the theft of elections through electronic manipulation of election outcomes.
Greg Palast: That's why I'm including Friedman's analysis on my associated web site, BallotBandits.org. I, though, don't want folks to forget the easiest way to steal votes by computer: unplug the computer. That's right. One of the key ways black votes are gone is the miraculous way that computers have glitches in Hispanic precincts, which suffer a loss of votes five times the loss in white precincts. So the votes aren't changed, they simply disappear. Oops! A "glitch" - no nasty software tricks to explain. Details? You'll have to read the book.
Mark Karlin: You point out that Bill Clinton was beholden to big money, as is Barack Obama. Yet, the efforts at voter suppression tend to be almost all Republican - and as your book points out, they are pretty unrelenting. Why does big money play a role in both parties, but restricting voting rights tends to be confined to just one of them?
Greg Palast: Democrats used to be the vote suppression champs: Jim Crow laws were written by Democrats. Democrats wore white sheets; Republicans use spreadsheets. I was in Chicago when Boss Daley would fire city workers who didn't pull the A Lever (you could vote party line with a single pull).
Vote theft has always targeted the poor and minorities. Today, that benefits (mostly) the GOP, so they've got the incentive to bleach the voter rolls white.
Mark Karlin: I've asked you this before, but let me take your temperature on this again. In the United States, you continue to be shunned by the mainstream corporate media, which means the audience for your intrepid investigations is limited. Does this discourage you? Does the fact that election theft appears to be getting more brazen instead of more transparent cause you to be cynical?
Greg Palast: Yes, it does. I have a Pulitzer Prize in Despair. But with the love of a wonderful woman, my children and Felipe II in liter size, I can make it. And as long as I have Truthout, I know I can lob my investigations for the Guardian and BBC over the electronic Berlin Wall to be read in my home country.

What Bill Clinton Wrote vs. What Bill Clinton Said

What Bill Clinton Wrote vs. What Bill Clinton Said

AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite
DASHIELL BENNETT140,583 ViewsSEP 6, 2012

If you were following any journalists on Twitter last night, one of the most remarked upon aspects of Bill Clinton's nomination speech was how liberally he deviated from the prepared text. What was handed out to the media was four pages of single-spaced, small font text, but — as an exasperated TelePrompTer operator found out —that was really just a guideline to what Clinton actually wanted to say during his 49-minute address. We decided to compare the two versions to see how one of the great speechmakers of his era goes about his business.

Most experienced public speakers know how to deviate and alter and add flourishes to their prepared remarks on the fly, but few do it as well as Clinton. (Even if you disagree with what he's saying.) As you can see below, from a purely rhetorical standpoint nearly all of his changes enhanced the text in some way and brought added emphasis to arguments. Notice his frequent changing of "should vote for Barack Obama" to "must vote." And his even more frequent use of "Now" and "Look" when beginning a point. Many of his best lines — like his "bloodsport" quote — were either ad-libbed or added in back in at the last moment. 

White House sources say they edited the speech for length and that Clinton ignored their changes, but most of the major additions seemed to be throwaway lines or personal asides. Most of the original substance remained. The parts that were mostly likely cut and then re-inserted were the section about Richard Lugar (who was defeated by his own party for working with Obama), his lengthy riff on cooperation, and his closing line about George Washington.

There was one flub, however, when he inadvertently referred to second lady Jill Biden as "Joe."

Here is copy of the speech as it was written and provided to the media by the Democratic Party. Here's a transcript of what Clinton actually said, (as compiled by The New York Times.) Our version below is based off the written text with Clinton's insertions in italics and his deletions struck out. See what you think of his oratory skills.

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Now, Mr. Mayor, fellow Democrats, We're here to nominate a president, and I've got one in mind.

I want to nominate a man whose own life has known its fair share of adversity and uncertainty.I want to nominate A man who ran for president to change the course of an already weak economy and then just six weeks before the election, saw it suffer the biggest collapse since the Great Depression. A man who stopped the slide into depression and put us on the long road to recovery, knowing all the while that no matter how many jobs were created and saved he saved or created, there were still millions more waiting, trying to feed their children and worried about feeding their own kids, trying to keep their hopes alive. 

I want to nominate a man cool on the outside but burning who burns for America on the inside. I want A man who believes with no doubt that we can build a new American Dream economy driven by innovation and creativity, but [sic] education and — yes — by cooperation.

And by the way, after last night, I want A man who had the good sense to marry Michelle Obama.

I want Barack Obama to be the next president of the United States and I proudly nominate him as the standard bearer of the Democratic Party.

Now, folks, In Tampa a few days ago, we heard a lot of talk all about how the president and the Democrats don't really believe in free enterprise and individual initiative, how we want everyone to be dependent on the government, how bad we are for the economy.

The Republican narrative — this alternative universe — is says that all of us every one of us in this room who amounts to anything, are we’re all completely self-made. One of our greatest Democratic chairmen the greatest chairmen the Democratic Party ever had, Bob Strauss, used to say that every politician wants you every voter to believe he was born in a log cabin he built himself, but, as Strauss then admitted, it ain't so.

We Democrats, we think the country works better with a strong middle class, with real opportunities for poor people folks to work their way into it and with a relentless focus on the future, with business and government actually working together to promote growth and broadly shared prosperity. We think You see, we believe that "we're all in this together" is a far better philosophy than "you're on your own." It is.

So Who's right? Well, since 1961, for 52 years now, the Republicans have held the White House 28 years, the Democrats 24. In those 52 years, our economy produced 66 million private sector jobs.So What's the jobs score? Republicans 24 million, Democrats 42 million.

Now, there’s a reason for this. It turns out that advancing equal opportunity and economic empowerment is both morally right and good economics, Why? because discrimination, poverty poverty, discrimination and ignorance restrict growth, When you stifle human potential, when you don’t invest in new ideas, it doesn’t just cut off the people who are affected; it hurts us all. We know that while investments in education, and infrastructure and scientific and technological research increase it growth, creating more They increase good jobs and they createnew wealth for all the rest of us.

Now, there’s something I’ve noticed lately. You probably have too. And it’s this. Maybe just because I grew up in a different time, but Though I often disagree with Republicans, I actually never learned to hate them the way the far right that now controls their party seems to hate our President Obama and the a lot of other Democrats. After all, that would be impossible for me because President Eisenhower sent federal troops to my home state to integrate Little Rock Central High and President Eisenhower built the interstate highway system. And as governor When I was a governor, I worked with President Reagan and his White House on the first round of welfare reform and with President George H.W. Bush on national education goals. I am actually grateful to — if you saw from the film what I do today, I have to be grateful, and you should be, too — that President George W. Bush for supported PEPFAR, which is saving It savedthe lives of millions of people in poor countries and to And I have been honored to work with both Presidents Bush for the work we've done together after on natural disasters in the aftermath of the South Asia tsunami, Hurricane Katrina and the Haitian earthquake. horrible earthquake in Haiti.

Through my foundation, both in America and around the world, I'm work working all the time with Democrats, Republicans and Independents, Sometimes I couldn’t tell you for the life who I’m working with because who are focused we focus on solving problems and seizing opportunities, not fighting each other. all the time.

And so here’s what I want to say to you, and here’s what I want the people at home to think about. When times are tough, and people are frustrated and angry and hurting and uncertain, the politics of constant conflict may be good politics but in the real world, cooperation works better. But what is good politics does not necessarily work in the real world. What works in the real world is cooperation. What works in the real world is cooperation, business and government, foundations and universities. Ask the mayors who are here. Los Angeles is getting green and Chicago is getting an infrastructure bank because Republicans and Democrats are working together to get it. They didn’t check their brains at the door. They didn’t stop disagreeing, but their purpose was to get something done. Now, why is this true? Why does cooperation work better than constant conflict? Because After all, nobody's right all the time, and a broken clock is right twice a day. All of us are destined to live our lives between those two extremes. And every one of us — every one of us and every one of them, we’re compelled to spend our fleeting lives between those two extremes, knowing we’re never going to be right all the time and hoping we’re right more than twice a day.

Unfortunately, the faction that now dominates the Republican Party doesn't see it that way. They think government is always the enemy, they’re always right, and compromise is weakness. Just in the last couple of elections, they defeated two distinguished Republican senators because they dared to cooperate with Democrats on issues important to the future of the country, even national security. They beat a Republican congressman with almost a hundred percent voting record on every conservative score, because he said he realized he did not have to hate the president to disagree with him. Boy, that was a nonstarter, and they threw him out.

One of the main reasons America should we ought to re-elect President Obama is that he is still committed to constructive cooperation. Look at his record. Look at his record. Look at his record. He appointed Republican secretaries of defense, the army and transportation. He appointed a vice president who ran against him in 2008, and he trusted him that vice president to oversee the successful end of the war in Iraq and the implementation of the recovery act. And Joe Biden did a great job with both.

He — President Obama — President Obama appointed several members of his Cabinet members who even though they supported Hillary in the primaryies. Heck, he even appointed Hillary. Wait a minute. I am — I am very proud of her. I'm so proud of her and grateful to our entire I am proud of the job she and the national security team have done for America. for all they've done I am grateful that they have worked together to make us safer and stronger and to build a world with more partners and fewer enemies. I’m grateful for the relationship of respect and partnership she and the president have enjoyed and the signal that sends to the rest of the world, that democracy does not have a blood — have to be a blood sport, it can be an honorable enterprise that advances the public interest. 

Now besides the national security team, I'm also very grateful to the young men and women who serve our country in the military who’ve served our country in uniform through these perilous times and I am especially grateful to Michelle Obama and Jill Joe Biden for supporting those military families when while their loved ones are were overseas and forhelping supporting our veterans, when they come home bearing the wounds of war, or needing help with education, housing, and jobs. or jobs or housing.

President Obama's whole record on national security is a tribute to his strength, and to his judgment, and to his preference for inclusion and partnership over partisanship. We need more if it in Washington, D.C.

Now, we all know that He also tried to work with congressional Republicans on health care, debt reduction, and jobs, but And that didn't work out so well. Probably But it could have been because, as the Senate Republican leader said, in a remarkable moment of candor, said two full years before the election, their No. 1 priority was not to put America back to work, but it was to put the President Obama out of work. Well, wait a minute Senator, I hate to break it to you, but we're going to keep President Obama on the job. 

Now, are you ready for that? Are you willing to work for it. Oh, wait a minute. In Tampa — in Tampa — did y’all watch their convention? I did. In Tampa, the Republican argument against the president's re-election was actually pretty simple pretty snappy: we left him a total mess, he hasn't cleaned it up fast enough, so fire him and put us back in. 

Now — (cheers, applause) — but they did it well. They looked good; the sounded good. They convinced me that they all love their families and their children and were grateful they’d been born in America and all that — really, I’m not being — they did. And this is important, they convinced me they were honorable people who believed what they said and they’re going to keep every commitment they’ve made. We just got to make sure the American people know what those commitments are.

Because In order to look like an acceptable, reasonable, moderate alternative to President Obama, they just didn’t couldn't say very much about the ideas they have offered over the last two years.You see They couldn’t because they want to go back to the same old policies that got us into trouble in the first place: They want to cut taxes for high-income Americans even more than President Bush did; They want to get rid of those pesky financial regulations designed to prevent another crash and prohibit future bailouts; They want to actually to increase defense spending over a decade $2 trillion more than the Pentagon has requested without saying what they'll spend the money it on; And they want to make enormous cuts in the rest of the budget, especially programs that help the middle class and poor kids children As another president once said- there they go again.

Now I like the argument for President Obama's re-election a lot better. Here it is. He inherited a deeply damaged economy, He put a floor under the crash, He began the long hard road to recovery, and laid the foundation for a modern, more well-balanced economy that will produce millions of good new jobs, vibrant new businesses, and lots of new wealth for the innovators.

Now Are we where we want to be today? No. Is the president satisfied? No Of course not. But Are we better off than we were when he took office, with an And listen to this. Listen to this. Everybody — (inaudible) — when President Barack Obama took office, the economy was in free fall, It had just shrunk 9 full percent of GDP. We were losing 750,000 jobs a month. Are we doing better than that today? The answer is yes.

I understand the challenge we face. Now, look. Here’s the challenge he faces and the challenge all of you who support him face. I get it. I know it. I’ve been there. I know many A lot of Americans are still angry and frustrated with the about this economy. Though If you look at the numbers, you know employment is growing, banks are beginning to lend again. And in a lot of places, and evenhousing prices are picking up a bit even beginning to pick up, too many people don't feel it. But too many people do not feel it yet.

I experienced had the same thing happen in 1994 and early 1995. We could see that the Ourpolicies were working, that and the economy was growing but most people didn't feel it yet. Thankfully, By 1996, the economy was roaring, everybody felt it, and we were halfway through the longest peacetime expansion in American history the history of the United States. But — wait, wait. The difference this time is purely in the circumstances. President Obama started with a much weaker economy than I did. Listen to me, now. No president- no president, not me or not any of my predecessors, no one could have repaired all the damage that he found in just four years. 

Now — but — he has — he has laid the foundation for a new, modern, successful economy of shared prosperity. But conditions are improving and if you'll renew the President's contract you will feel it. I believe that with all my heart. Folks, whether the American people believe what I just said or not may be the whole election. I just want you to know that I believe it. With all my heart, I believe it. Now, why do I believe it?

I'm fixing to tell you why. I believe it because President Obama's approach embodies the values, the ideas, and the direction America must has to take to build a 21st century version of the American Dream in: a nation of shared opportunities, shared prosperity and shared responsibilities. shared responsibilities, shared prosperity, a shared sense of community.

So let’s get back to the story. In 2010, as the president's recovery program kicked in, the job losses stopped and things began to turn around.

The Recovery Act saved and created millions of jobs and cut taxes — let me say this again — cut taxes for 95 percent of the American people. And, In the last 29 months the our economy has produced about 4.5 and one-half million private sector jobs. We could have done better, But last year, the Republicans blocked the president's jobs plan costing the economy more than a million new jobs. So here's another jobs score: President Obama plus 4.5 and one-half million, congressional Republicans zero.

Over that same period, During this period — during this period, more than 500,000 manufacturing jobs have been created under President Obama- That’s the first time manufacturing jobs have increased since the 1990s. And I’ll tell you something else. The auto industry restructuring worked. It saved more than a million jobs, and not just at GM, Chrysler and their dealerships, but in auto parts manufacturing all over the country. That's why even the auto-makers that who weren't part of the deal supported it. They needed to save the those parts suppliers too. Like I said, we're all in this together.

So what’s happened? Now there are 250,000 more people working in the auto industry than on the day the companies were restructured. So — now, we all know that Gov. Romney opposed the plan to save GM and Chrysler. So here's another jobs score: Are you listening in Michigan and Ohio and across the country? Here’s another job score: Obama 250,000, Romney, zero.

Now, The agreement the administration made with management, labor and environmental groups to double car mileage over the next few years is another good deal that was a good deal too: it will cut your gas prices in half, your gas bill in half. No matter what the price is, if you double the mileage of your car, your bill will be half what it would have been. It will make us more energy independent, It will cut greenhouse gas emissions, and add another 500,000 good jobs according to several analyses, over the next 20 years, it’ll bring us another half a million good new jobs into the American economy.

President Obama's "all of the above" energy plan The president’s energy strategy, which he calls “all of the above,” is helping too- the boom in oil and gas production combined with greater energy efficiency has driven oil imports to a near 20-year low and natural gas production to an all-time high. Renewable energy production has also doubled.

We do need more new jobs, lots of them, Of course, we need a lot more new jobs. but there are already more than three million jobs open and unfilled in America today, mostly because theapplicants the people who apply for them don't yet have the required skills to do them. We have to prepare more Americans for the new jobs that are being actually going to be created in a world fueled by new technology. The old economy is not coming back. We’ve got to build a new one and educate people to do those jobs. That's why investments in our people are more important than ever.

The president and his education secretary has have supported community colleges and employers in working together to train people for open jobs that are actually open in their communities. And, even more important after a decade in which exploding college costs have increased the drop-out rate so much that we've fallen to the percentage of our young people with four-year college degrees has gone down so much that we have dropped to 16th in the world in the percentage of young people with college degrees. So the president’s student loan is more important than ever. Here’s what it does — (cheers, applause) — here’s what it does. You need to tell every voter where you live about this. It his student loan reform lowers the cost of federal student loans and even more important, it gives students the right to repay the those loans as